| THE STREET MMBAR  JUM'AH KHUTBAH (30 May    2014) http://groups.yahoo.com/group/the_street_mimbar/ PLEASE e-mail Suggestions    & Criticisms to khutbahs@yahoo.com It is in such a manner that    We make plain Our signs so that the course of the Criminals may become clear. | 
Bismillah Ar-Rahmaan Ar-Raheem. 
Alhumdulillah. Peace and blessings on Muhammad (sallalahu  alaihi wa sallam), his Noble Companions and Family. 
Brothers and sisters, committed Muslims…
Audio on http://www.islamiccenterdc.com/apps/podcast/podcast/341560  (05-02-2014)
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN TAGHUT  AND NIFAQ PART 1
Taghut and nifaq  are enduring bedfellows. Even though these two words are part of the Qur'anic  and the Islamic lexicon one would be hard pressed to find the  Muslims using them in their common, every day vernacular to characterise or to  describe the events that are taking place in their day and the circumstances  that they happen to be oppressed by. Even when Muslims try to use these words  they take a reductionist interpretation from translations and apply that to the  extent that they restrict the meaning and domain of meaning of these words. It  has gone to such an extent that the word nifaq is represented as simple  hypocrisy and the word taghut, in the few times that it is used, is  simply used to describe the actions and behaviours of individuals so when the  word taghut is used by Muslims then they're referring to an individual  tyrant or to an oppressor or to somebody who is given a position of leadership  without being endorsed by the people but rarely is the word used to describe  systems and governments, to describe social narratives, to describe socialising  influences that affect the way people think for there are taghuti  systems, there are taghuti governments, there are taghuti  narratives of history and there is a taghuti prevailing socialisation  which gets us to behave on a way that living side by side with tyranny is a  normal behaviour. These ayaat which were quoted earlier from Surah An  Nisa' tell us that there is a relationship between taghut and nifaq  and by understanding this relationship we may be able to identify in  the world we live in today who the taghuts are and who the munafiqs are.  We read the Qur'an and this becomes a problem for us and we see these  words used often and frequently but in the every day life we hardly see these  words used; so how do we form an association between the taghut in the Qur'an  and it's equivalent in the world that we live in. We don't hear the words  used so how do we establish this association and that is the purpose of our  talk today? The social and the political and the military expression of the  word taghut in the world that we live in today is called imperialism and  the chief executive of that program in our world is the United States 
The word taghut itself has slipped out of  common usage of the Muslims and it is buried under centuries of indifference,  of expediency and of ignorance. Taghut at its very root in a linguistic  sense describes excessive and aggressive power. It describes over-weaning,  gargantuan and maximalist power. In other words, in our world today, the word taghut  is equivalent to the word superpower or hyper power but when we talk about  superpower, about hyper power, about aggressive power (and) about maximalist  power we are talking about a kind of power that gets us as individuals to  normalise the expression of tyranny in our lives. This power is used to get us  to feel that the occupation of the lands of others is normal. It gets us to  feel that it is power that confers legitimacy; that if you have power (then)  whatever you do is ok (and) whatever you do is legitimate. The chief impact of  this kind of aggressive and maximalist power is to get you- the average Joe in  the street- to believe that you have a normal relationship with tyranny. These  words in Allah's book are telling you that it is impossible, impractical (and)  untenable to have a normal relationship with tyranny. The way that this  aggressive and maximalist power exhibits itself in our lives today is  Imperialism. Now if you go to the social science textbooks and you study  political science (and) you study government politics you come across a number  of definitions for Imperialism. You can go to ten different authors and they  will give you ten different explanations for Imperialism and ten different  motivations for such a program. Some of them say "Imperialism is the extension  of state power by the forceful acquisition of the foreign territories of  others"; others will tell you "Imperialism is governance by empire"  and still others will tell you "Imperialism is the coalescing of people with  less power into the territories of those who have more power." And the  definitions goes on and on and as there are many definitions for the concept  and the idea and the program of Imperialism there are also many many  explanations for the motivations for such a program. Some of these political  scientist will tell you "the motivations for such a program are economic-  cheap labour, new markets, cheap acquisition of resources" more likely the  theft of resources or the free acquisition of resources and within this domain  of an economic motivation for Imperialism some of them will tell you "the  chief motivation for Imperialism is a glut for investment resources," They  will tell you "there is too much money and that these financial investments  have to find markets elsewhere to help those markets grow." So were it not  for a glut of capital resources these people suggest that there would be no  need for Imperialism. Thus the argument has its detractors and it has its  supporters but what really destroys this argument is the fact that in those  places in the world that experience the greatest theft of resources- which is  Africa, South America, the Islamic East and South-East   Asia-  what infrastructure development took place in these places  during the heyday of Imperialism? The only time the infrastructure development  took place was when the Imperialists were expelled. The extra capital that  existed in these places before Imperialism took place, meaning in the Imperial  domain, didn't find itself being employed to build infrastructure in the so  called dark continents of the world- that only happened when these people  acquired independence. So with these arguments these same historians and  political scientists tell us "the golden age of Imperialism- what we  refer to as taghut in our modern day- was from 1870 to 1914. This is  the time when the greatest European expansion took place and the greatest  acquisition (or) occupation of foreign territory took place, that during these  three or four decades the European powers acquired up to twelve million square  miles and they enslaved up to a hundred and eighty three million people." But  in today's world that kind of Imperial occupation is not taking place because  after World Wad One and World War Two many of these Imperial domains acquired a  sort of second class independence- not true independence because if you were  truly independent you wouldn't be haemorrhaging refugees so don't tell us that  a particular country is independent if it is haemorrhaging refugees; but  according to the United Nations these countries that were colonial domains in  the past are now independent. What we are saying is that they have a second  class independence. So in current usage the word Imperialism implies an  interfering by the dominant power culture into the affairs (and) into the economic  and political advancement of underdeveloped countries and territories. Western  economist and historians go to the extent of trying to draw a difference  between ideological Imperialism and Imperialism as a political program. On the  one hand we have the Marxists who say "Imperialism is the final stage of a  capitalism gone wild" and on the other hand we have the free market  capitalist that suggest "Imperialism is a natural occurrence of wanting to  expand markets and acquire new resources." So this discussion of what  Imperialism is and what it isn't is a fertile ground now, or perhaps for the  past thirty years, for the Marxists and their adversaries to have a discussion  but within that discussion and argument of what Imperialism stands for we need  to make two points and these two points come out from what we have learnt from  these ayaat that Allah has revealed to us. 
The first point is that  when Muslims are derelict in there duty to place the word taghut within  the domain of social affairs, political affairs and military affairs then it  opens up the field for run away concepts like Imperialism to come in and  dominate the discussion and they dominate the discussion with their own  economic rationalisations and their opposite Marxist definitions and the only  reason this happens is because we haven't brought the meaning of the word taghut  into the public domain. For if we were to bring the meaning of taghut into  the public domain then we would understand that Imperialism has a history, it  has a past, and it belongs to a long book that has many chapters that explain  the many flavours of taghut and only the modern flavour of taghut is  referred to as Imperialism. But we Muslims are absent from the domain of ideas  and therefore something like Imperialism doesn't have a past. It is hard for  political scientists and historians to connect Imperialism to colonialism but  that ought not to be hard for Muslims. It is impossible for political  scientists and historians of our day to come up with a consistent explanation  for what Imperialism is but this ought not to be hard for Muslims because the  history which is given to us in scripture (and) the history which is explained  to us in scripture tells us a social law, a social fact, a social reality, a  social incontrovertibility that those who concentrate power with a view to  concentrating wealth lose track of the meaning of social justice. If we put  Imperialism with colonialism with foreign occupation in this domain we  understand that Imperialism is just another incarnation of taghut and  thereby we can give it a past. And if we can give it a past we can give it a  solution in the way that Allah gives it a solution; but when we divorce this  concept of its past we divorce it of its solution to deal with this kind of  past. So when Marxists come to you and to us and they reject all religion and  they throw out the baby with the bath-water meaning that they throw out the Qur'an  with whatever is left of the Bible and the Torah we have to return to them  and we have to tell them the Qur'an is the book of social laws, it is  the book of social understanding and it is the book that gives us the only  definable and executable program that can rid common people of tyranny and  oppression. A famous person once said "the person who controls the past  controls the future and those who control the present control the past" meaning  that those who have power today tell you what your historical past looks like  and if they desire to separate their particular flavour of occupation, tyranny  and oppression from the flavours of occupation, tyranny and oppression of the  past then they can compose their history books in their fashion and divorce you  from the past and when they divorce you from your past they divorce you from  your future. 
The second point that needs  to be explained in this domain of trying to equate Imperialism with taghut  is that we cannot accept a defective narrative of history. The defective  narrative of history that is in vogue today and that took over four hundred  years to popularise and make it part of our social consciousness and it doesn't  matter who you are- whether you're Chinese or South American or Eskimo or you  live in Africa or you live in Russia or where you live, it doesn't matter where  you come from- the narrative of history that you accept is a European  exceptionalist narrative of history- you accept a European narrative of history  as a standard, you accept is a European experience as a standard! That there is  no other history unless it is comparable to the European history! There are no  ideas except if they come out of the European philosophical context! There is  no political philosophy unless it comes out of the European historical  experience! Any other ideas are not ideas! Any other historical experience is  not a historical experience unless it compares with the consensual historical  experience of the Europeans. We have to understand that about the narrative of  history and the only thing that can get you beyond a humanly poisoned narrative  of history is scripture. This is the only thing that can take away the human  bias from history. There is no human bias in Allah's narrative of history- none  whatsoever. There's no favouritism, there is no elitism (and) there is no  supremism. Nobody is favoured because of the way that they were born, nobody is  favoured because of the family that they were born into, no one is favoured  because of the colour of their skin and there-by no narrative of history is  favoured because of the way that somebody else wrote it. When you read  scripture, it is a dispassionate narrative of history and thereby it is the  only source that is reliable enough to acquaint you with what happened in the  past. Everything else is extraneous but we live in a world that is dominated by  the European experience and this is what leads us to an understanding of nifaq.  
As many of you have  attended this jum'ah for several years you realise that nifaq begins  to emerge when there is a clash between an Islamic power culture and a taghuti  power culture; without the existence of either an Islamic power  culture or a taghuti power culture there is no such thing as nifaq.  Nifaq is an attachment to power not to principle and so far as to the way munafiqs  behave they behave in a way that power confers legitimacy. If you have  power you're legitimate (and) what ever you do is authorised. It could be said  that whatever you do is right and beyond that it could be said that whatever  you do is even moral. To the munafiq it doesn't matter what your  principles are, all that matter is if you have power- "If you have power I'm  with you" and in the worldly assessment of the continuum of power "if  you don't have power I could care less about you. The only thing that gets me  to gravitate towards you (and) to support you is if you have power" That's nifaq.  But in the disproportionate power play in the Imperial domain of the world and the  dispossessed and the occupied domain of the world a particular psychology  emerges amongst those who are dispossessed and this psychology is peculiar in  that it begins to appreciate Imperialism. It is infatuated with Imperialism! In  fact it could be said that it has a fetish for Imperialism. When we talk about nifaq  and its relationship to taghut all we have to do is follow these ayaat  for we said a little earlier (that) one of the most potent expressions of nifaq  today is sectarianism. In order to try and understand how sectarianism is  an expression of nifaq let us just follow Allah's ayaat. Ok- so  Allah says
Are you  not acquainted with those people who claim or who pretend to be committed to  that which came to you from on high and which came to previous Prophets from  high? These are the ones who defer to the rule of excessive and aggressive  power even though they were commanded to cease and desist and reject it. (Surah  An Nisa' verse 60-62)
Ok- here we have an ayah.  The ayah is describing or in fact the ayah is condemning a  particular class of people who have a double mind. They come to the Islamic bloc  and they say "look at us. Can you detect that we are not Muslims?" They  say to us "if you talk like a Muslim (or) if you walk like a Muslim then  you're a Muslim." You have a beard, your see him praying in the Masjid,  you see him fasting Ramadhan, you wear the Islamic outfit and you  wear the head-dress and so forth and so on- so he's a Muslim; but then when it  comes to social policy, when it comes to political policy, when it comes to  alliances what do they do? Brothers and sisters- when we are talking about nifaq  and we are talking about it within the context of sectarianism what you ought  to be doing (or) going over in your mind are those who are organising sectarian  programs around the world, you ought to be going over in your mind what their  economic policies are (and) what their political policies are, you ought to be  going over in your mind where they go to when they need advice, you ought to be  going over in your mind who they go to when they need protection, you ought to  be going over in your mind whose views they defer to when they need to know  what to do. We know where this sectarian program is being organised, we know  where it receives its ideological input and where it receives its ideological  support but at the same time, brothers and sisters, ask yourselves that when  they need to gather funds to provide a financial base for their sectarian  program where do these funds come from? You could say that these funds come  from the sale of oil. But on whose auspices is this oil sold? If you're selling  oil and you claim "the oil belongs to you and you're going to use it for  various social and political activities" then why don't they sell the oil  in riyals? They have a currency! They conduct transactions in their own country  with riyals so why are they selling oil on somebody else's terms? Why are they  selling oil in dollars? They claim they're independent, they claim they read  the Qur'an, they claim the follow the Qur'an- this is what it  means when Allah says
… they  defer to the excessive and aggressive powers when it comes to social, economic  and political policy… (Surah An Nisa' verse 60-62)
They affirm Allah with  their tongues and they say "yes, He's the Creator and the Provider" but  when it comes to following a law, when it comes to creating legislation and  when it comes to enacting social policy where do they go? If we are on target  with our analysis we know that they are just piggy backing on the sectarian  program and in fact it is organised in Tel Aviv and Washington. For if they  don't have a brain to sell their oil in their own currency they don't have a  brain to organise a sectarian program! It has to come as no surprise that when  they have this kind of inferiority complex where they prefer the temporal power  of human beings or when they place more trust in the temporal power of human  beings to the ultimate, unlimited and unrivalled power of Allah then they are  the ones who raise the status of taghut to a position of a god. Yes- we  have these either self appointed or taghuti appointed so-called leaders  in the Muslim world and they are the ones who are popularising the idea that taghut  is a god. You tell us brothers and sisters: do they fear Allah or do they  fear America United states 
There's a lot more to say  on this subject; a lot more to say about the relationship of Yahud and  with Yahud that binds taghut and nifaq together but what  we need to understand (and) perhaps the nugget that we need to leave with on  this occasion is that if there is no taghut there is no nifaq. If  there is no such thing as taghut there is no such thing as nifaq.  In order for taghut to drive its values and it's program into innocent  territories and it's people of the world it needs this element of nifaq  to enable it to penetrate into those territories and peoples of the world.
Brothers  and sisters, committed Muslims…
We have to recognise that  Imperialism has a past; only in that past it wasn't called Imperialism. The  book of taghut is filled with many many chapters. Throughout history  this taghut has gone by many names and the current name that this taghut  is going by (i.e.) Imperialism is about to close. We take innocent pride in  claiming some credit- not we as it refers to the Muslims here in the street,  but we as it refers to the collective body of Muslims in the Islamic movement;  we take innocent pride in helping to close this chapter of taghut. We  are saying (that) this chapter of taghut is closing because of the facts  that we see on the ground. The economists who study these kinds of things and  who develop policy and definitions say "in order for a currency to be the  worlds reserve currency fifty five percent of all international transactions  have to be conducted through that currency with that currency as a medium. The  number of international transactions that are conducted through the US$ has now  fallen to thirty five present so it can no longer be characterised as the  world's reserve currency. This ought to tell you that when we talk about  Imperialism its dollar Imperialism (and) this ought to tell you that this  chapter on taghut in the world is now closing. In the coming months the  Russians and the Chinese are going to reach an agreement on an energy deal- a  forward looking and a vast energy deal- and all transactions in this energy  deal between the Russians and the Chinese are going to be conducted via local  currencies and not with the US$. What underwrites the US Brazil , Russia ,  India , China  and South Africa 
Finally and most  importantly elections are going to take place in around a month's time in Syria  and these elections are going to take  place outside the framework of choreographed democracy of the United States Arabia  try to disrupt  these elections. Their rhetoric is already disrupting these elections. They're  saying "how is it possible to have free and fair elections in Syria OK-  (in) answer to that we say  how is it possible to have free and fair elections in Afghanistan Ukraine Ukraine United States 
This khutbah was  presented by Imam Afeef Khan on the occasion of Jum'ah on 27 December 2013 on  the sidewalk of Embassy Row in Washington    D.C. 
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